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Line 3130 - Commentary Note (CN) More Information

Notes for lines 2951-end ed. Hardin A. Aasand
For explanation of sigla, such as jen, see the editions bib.
3130 Laer. I will doo’t, 4.7.139
1783 Ritson
Ritson
3130-1 Laer. I . . . sword] Ritson (1783, p. 210): <p. 210>“It is a matter of surprise that neither dr. Johnson, nor any other of Shakspeares numerous and able commentators has remarked, with proper warmth and detestation, the villainous assassin-like treachery of Laertes in this horrid plot. There is the more occasion that he should be here pointed out an object of abhorrence as he is a character we are, in some preceding parts of the play, led to respect and admire.”</p. 210>
1790 mal
mal
3130-31 Malone (ed. 1790, p. 456): <p. 456> “Laertes’s character is a very odd one; it is not easy to say whether it is good or bad: but his consenting to the villainous contrivance of the usurper’s to murder Hamlet, makes him much more a bad man than a good one.—It is a very nice conduct in the poet to make the usurper build his scheme upon the generous unsuspicious temper of the person he intends to murder, and thus to raise the prince’s character by the confession of his enemy; to make the villain ten times more odious from his own mouth. The contrivance of the foil unbated (i.e. </p. 456> <p. 457> without a button,) is methinks too gross a deceit to go down even with a man of the most unsuspicious nature.” </p. 457>
1793 v1793
v1793 = mal
3130-1 Laer. I . . . sword]
1803 v1803
v1803 = v1793
3130-1 Laer. I . . . sword]
1813 v1813
v1813=v1803
3130-1 Laer. I . . . sword]
1821 v1821
v1821=v1813
3130-1 Laer. I . . . sword]
1843- mlewes
mLewes
3130-53 Lewes (ms. notes in Knight, ed. 1843): “After long considerations I venture to assert that there is a double fault in this scene: an artistic + æsthetic fault. I Artistically the whole plan is confused. If Laertes believes that Hamlet murdered Polonius why does he not insist on trial? Or if fearing the trial of a prince he resolves on assassination, why not set about it in a rational + consistent style, and set aside such questionable + uncertain means as he proposes? II Asthetically it is a violation of truth of character or else too unprepared a development, to make Laertes honorable, upright, + noble—and then suddenly to make him propose an unnecessary and treacherous villainy.
For either fault a modern poet would get no mercy; nor would he deserve it. (Augt 1843). [and then in a different ink though what seems to be the same hand] Note also that this very Laertes when he suspects the King has killed his Father meets him like an open foe in spite of the divinity that doth hedge a king, yet now he must poison his weapon for Hamlet.”
1848 Strachey
Strachey
3130ff Strachey (1848, pp. 86-7): <p. 86>“In this and the preceding scenes we have Laertes the same contrast to Hamlet that he was when he parted from us, only the deficiencies of the youth have become harshly marked defects in the man. He may have the conventional manners, but he has nothing of the innate spirit, of a gentleman: his notions of honour, and justice, and duty, have been learnt in another school than Hamlet’s: he rushes, like a savage, to revenge his father’s and sister’s death, with scarce any enquiry as to who has caused them; and to secure vengeance he readily agrees to resort to treachery and poison, avowing that he hopes to succeed, because his intended victim is so nobly unsuspicious:—’He, being remiss, Most generous, and free from all contriving, Will not peruse the foils.’ In Laertes’s reply to Hamlet, when he begs his pardon for his violence at the grave [3678-96], he gives his notion of honour, and we see that it is mere love of reputation, and worldly regard to the opinions of others, without any internal root of self-respect. Reputation is a secondary matter to the man of true honour; his first consideration is to possess his own respect, to have his honour bright to his own eyes, which can see it as it really is, while other men can only see its outward appearance, But Laertes had got nothing of this sense of honour, either by nature, or from his Paris education: his natural affections were strong, and his passions violent, and there was no internal prin-</p. 86><p.87> ciple to restrain them from driving him into his present course. They were living, and real, his ‘houour’ was but a conventional fiction which was sufficiently provided for by the knowledge that his secret was safe with the king, and that his treachery would not be exposed to the world. He acts, in short, just as any mere man of the world would act in like circumstances, supposing his passions as strong, and his fear of detection as weak.” </p. 87>
1872 Hudson
Hudson
3130ff Hudson (1872, pp. 296-7): “The blame of the treacherous plot for assassinating Hamlet, on the express ground of his ‘being remiss, most generous, and free from all contriving,’ properly belongs to the King: but the further infamy of anointing his sword in order to clinch the nail of his purpose would go hard with Laertes, but that his trance of passion at Ophelia’s madness and death in a great measure, if not entirely, takes away his responsibility. In his transport of grief and rage he is as much beside himself as Hamlet </p. 296> <p. 297>is in his wildest paroxysms of disorder; and the most suggestive point of contrast between them is in reference to the opposite manner in which the moral character of each transpires under the eclipse of reason. Observe, also, how the two men differ in their ends: Laertes dies repenting of the base and hateful wrong he has doen to Hamlet [3811], and begging his forgiveness; Hamlet dies pitying Laertes, and—forgiving him! [3816].” </p. 297>
1875 Marshall
Marshall : ≈ mal ; ≈ Gervinus
3130-31 Marshall (1875, pp. 87-8): <p. 87> “The character of Laertes is one of which we are tempted to form a higher opinion than, on close examination, it will be seen to deserve; because we cannot help sympathising with him under the terrible calamities which befall his father and sister. A writer, quoted in Malone’s ‘Shakespeare,” [v1821] remarks very justly:—[cites mal’s “Laertes’s character . . . good one.” above]
“Gervinus* seems to me to take far too favourable a view </p. 87> <p. 88> of this ‘subordinate hero’s’ [citing Gervinus, p. 560] character. I have already (in Appendix D) explained the light in which, as it appears to me, we ought to regard his condcut towards Ophelia in the earlier scenes of the play; it only remains to consider what proportion of guilt we must assign to him in this plot against Hamlet’s life, to which he so readily lends his aid.
“We must remember that the relations between the young prince and Laertes had been very intimate from their earliest childhood. Hamlet says in the midst of his rage—[cites 3488-89] And again, when he is begging pardon of Laertes for his violent conduct— [cites 3693-95] But it was not only against the friend, but the prince, that Laertes consents to practise such perfidious treason. It is evident that, whatever might be the feeling of the rest of the Court, laertes thoroughly believed Hamlet to be the heir-apparent to the throne. In warning Ophelia against setting her affections on Hamlet, he says—[479-91]
“Such language could be used only of one who was recognised—by the speaker at least—as occupying that high position in the State, second only to the Sovereign, which belongs to a Crown Prince, to whom the duty of every loyal knight and gentleman was to render the utmost respect and honour. To assassinate Hamlet was, on the part of Laertes, an act of high treason, as well as of private treachery.
“And what was the character of him against whose life he was plotting? Claudius, in proposing the crime, is forced to </p. 88> <p. 89>pay a tribute to the noble, frank, and unsuspicious nature of his newphew: [cites 3124-26]
“Surely, had Laertes possessed one spark of true chivalry, these words would have mde him pause: he would, even in the midst of his natural rage and furious desire to avenge his father’s death, have exclaimed, from an irresistible impulse of honour, ‘No! I cannot pursue any but an open and manly vengeance against such a foe: I cannot degrade myself by stooping to artifice against one whose generous nature renders such artifice the most cowardly treachery.’ The real character of Hamlet must have been known to the brother of Ophelia; he must have seen enough of the young prince to feel sure, that if he went boldly to him and demanded of him an account of his conduct, he would have at least as good a chance of arriving at the truth, as he had by taking counsel with one whose only idea of vengeance was a mean and dastardly assassination.
“Base enough was the plan of revenge as Claudius proposes it; but unspeakably baser with the embellishment which the ingenuity of this chivalrous young man added to it. Laerts agrees to entrap the friend of his youth, his generous rival in many an honourable contest, into a challenge at their favourite gameof skill. In this game h is to have the advantage of a real weapon instead of a sham one; and, as if this were not enough, he is to call to his aid that most cowardly weapon—even of murderers—poison. Should his antagonist, by any chance, escape this twofold danger, under the pretence of a refreshing draught he is to be disposed of by another and more potent poison. In this precious scheme of manly vengeance the daring young warrior perseveres, even after his antagonist has apologised most humbly for what offence he is conscious of having committed, and has shown clearly enough that he could, if called upon, explain the unhappy death of Laertes’ father;*[*see 3678-96] but it never occurs to this pattern knight that he might have paused, even at that point, and in a private conference with Hamlet have learnt the truth of what, to the most inflamed mind, could not but have seemed something of a mystery. No, he goes on with his foul task, and, in spite of such scruples,†[†see 3767-69] as even the </p. 89> <p. 90> most hardened criminal must have felt, he stabs the unsuspectin Hamlet with the envenoed point. At the last, it is true, he repents; or rather, he expresses remorse; though even then he puts more of the blame than was just on Claudius. His last words are his best:—[cites 3813-15]
“It is of this cowardly assassin that Gervinus thus writes : [cites ‘Laertes goes so far . . . his mother perish’; see below]
“This is but one fragment of the indirect panegyric which this great German critic pronounced on Laertes: one would certainly think that the passage was prophetic† and intended to glorify the grat man who has subdued German culture beneath his iron rule. A ‘combat’ (according to Gervinus) is a fencing-bout between one man armed with a foil and the other with a sharp rapier! To use an ‘unbated’ weapon in such a trial of skill, having previously anointed that weapon with a deadly poison, is merely to ‘sully your knightly honour!’ I hope those Danes who are at present rejoicing under the amenities of the German rule will read this passage for their edification; it may perhaps reconcile them to that conscientious but slightly unscrupulous system of procedure, which they may have been tempted to characterise as callous perfidy and mean brutality.
“Amazing, indeed, is th moral obliquity which can permit a great and learned man to be fascinated, by the superficial energy of such a character as Laertes, into glossing over the most detestable crimes with hearty approbation masquing under th guise of feeble censure. Gervinus wrote in 1850, and we are now in 1875; those of us who are not blinded by biotry, or muzzled by time-serving cowardice, have been able to recognise, in the grant spectacle of an united Germany </p. 90> <p. 91> extinguished under a Prussian helmet, the same moral obliquity which dictated such a passage as that I have quoted. The ‘dreamers’ have become the ‘men of action,’ and they are now as strong as any nation can be, of whose armour the chains of tyranny furnish no little part; let them rejoice while they may; let them exalt bloodshed above courage, and grasping avarice above honest industry; let them miscall the meanest and cruellest * system of religious persecution ever undertaken, even by the most ignorant barbarians, a struggle for civil liberty; let them continue, conscious of their own strength in a monstrously overgrown army, which drains the life-blood of the country, to defy treaties and violate their plighted word as a nation: now is their day of triumph;—but the time will come when they willa wake too late to a sense of their own degradation, when they will find that, in fighting against a phanton of religious tyranny, they have flung away the safeguards of civil liberty and given themselves over, bound hand and foot, into the power of a monster of political tyranny; when, perchance, the cry of ‘This is I, Hamlet the Dane!’ may ring through Germany with a somewhat different echo than when it could only speak, to the nation’s conscience, of the dangerous similarity of their own character to the over-reflective and too scrupulous young prince, ever prone to speculation and averse to action; † when there may be no Lartes and Claudius at hand to concoct the treacherous assassination of the unwelcome intruder; and when the spectre of a national crime, which bayonets could not bury for ever, shall rise from the grave to demand, it may be to exact, a just vengeance.” </p. 91>
<p. 87><n>*”Burnett’s Authorised Translation, First Edition, 1863, vol. ii., pages 118-20 and 123.”</n> </p. 87>
<p. 90> <n>†Gervinus’s Lectures were first published in 1850.” </n></p. 90>
<p. 91><n>*“Most cruel, because the German persecution is directed against eh soul, and not the body. A true Catholic would rather perish at the stake than live, as he is compelled to live in most parts of the German Empire, without the Sacraments.” </n> </p. 91>
<p. 91> <n>†”See Gervinus’s eloquent parallel between Hamlet and the German nation.—(Authorised Translation, 1st edition, vol. ii., pp. 145-49 [574-79].)” </n> </p. 91>
1877 Gervinus
Gervinus
3130ff Gervinus (1877, p. 557-8): <p. 557>“He [Laertes} would cut the throat of his father’s murderer ‘I’ the church’ [3116] (and the king himself approves of this, because ‘no place, indeed, should murder sanctuarise’) [3117], whilst Hamlet, with pious scruples concerning this very king, passed him by as he was praying. Laertes goes so far as to poison his sword, that in single combat with Hamlet he may more surely obtain his end. He sullies by this his knightly honour, although he treats his revenge rather as a matter of honour, while for Hamlet it is a heavy matter of conscience. But in the midst of this passion, strained even to unscrupulousness, he is strictly confined to the one object of his revenge, whilst, owing to Hamlet’s tardy steps, the guiltless Polonius falls, Ophelia becomes crazed, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are made a sacrifice, and himself and his mother perish. The king need not have addressed to Laerts those exhortations (Act Iv. sc.7), which were more calculated for Hamlet:—</p. 557><p. 558>[cites 3112+5-+8] But he need just as little have warned him of the assaults of his rage against the innocent; the man of just passion surpasses in moderation the subtle arts of the avenger, and wisdom speaks from the desperate warrior, whom arrogance and success might have dazzled.” </p. 558>
1929 trav
trav
3130 Travers (ed. 1929): “9. Laertes, true to the spirit not only of his former answer, and of IV, v, 146-147 [2906-07], but of a Renaissance tragedy of revenge in general.”
2906 3112+5 3124 3130 3693